| Grammar 20 |
| a) Final weak verbs Verbs with y ܝ respectively w ܘ as third radical belong to this class. 1. Verbs with y ܝ as third radical The final /y/ ܝ only appears in the feminine forms of the present and the preterite inflection of intransitive verbs belonging to this group. As a result, masculine and feminine are distinguished also for the second person only in this verbal class. Transitive:
More examples: šry ܫܪܝ I: šore - šrele ܫܳܪܶܐ – ܫܪܶܠܶܗ „to solve; to loose, to unfasten“ mḥy ܡܚܝ I: moḥe - mḥele ܡܳܚܶܐ – ܡܚܶܠܶܗ „to hit“ gly ܓܠܝ I: gole - glele ܓܳܠܶܐ – ܓܠܶܠܶܗ „to reveal“ qry ܩܪܝ I: qore – qrele ܩܳܪܶܐ – ܩܪܶܠܶܗ „to read; to study; to call for“ Intransitive:
Note: The inflection of the preterite is distinguished from the present almost exclusively by the vowel in the first syllable: /o/ ܳin the present and /a/ ܰin the preterite. More examples: bxy ܒܟ݂ܝ I: boxe - baxi ܒܳܟ݂ܶܐ – ܒܰܟ݂ܝ „to weep“ kly ܟܠܝ I: kole - kali ܟܳܠܶܐ – ܟܰܠܝ „to wait; to stand still“ mṭy ܡܛܝ I: moṭe - maṭi ܡܳܛܶܐ – ܡܰܛܝ „to arrive“ cly ܥܠܝ I: cole - cali ܥܳܠܶܐ – ܥܰܠܝ „to move up“ 2. Verbs with w ܘ as third radical Contrary to /y/ ܝ, the /w/ ܘ can still be observed in most of the inflectional forms. Transitive: kṯw ܟܬ݂ܘ (< ktb ܟܬܒ) I: koṯaw - kṯule ܟܳܬ݂ܰܘ - ܟܬ݂ܘܠܶܗ „to write“
More examples: gnw I: gonaw – gnule ܓܳܢܰܘ - ܓܢܘܠܶܗ „to steal“ (gnw ܓܢܘ< gnb ܓܢܒ) ḥlw I: ḥolaw - ḥlule ܚܳܠܰܘ - ܚܠܘܠܶܗ „to milk“ crw I: coraw - crule ܥܳܪܰܘ - ܥܪܘܠܶܗ „to sieve“ ḥšw I: ḥošaw - ḥšule ܚܳܫܰܘ - ܚܫܘܠܶܗ „to calculate; to think, to consider“ Intransitive: ytw ܝܬܘ (< ytb (ܝܬܒ I: yotaw - yatu ܝܳܬܰܘ - ܝܰܬܘ „to sit“
Stem III and IIIp derivations of yotaw – yatu ܝܳܬܰܘ - ܝܰܬܘ „to sit“ are conjugated like initial weak verbs: III: mawtaw – mawtawle ܡܰܘܬܰܘ – ܡܰܘܬܰܘܠܶܗ „to put“ IIIp: mitawtaw – mtawtaw ܡܝܬܰܘܬܰܘ – ܡܬܰܘܬܰܘ „to be put“ More examples: rkw ܪܟܘ (< rkb ܪܟܒ) I: rokaw - raku ܪܳܟܰܘ - ܪܰܟܘ „to settle; to seat oneself“ ḥrw ܚܪܘ (<ḥrb ܚܪܒ) I: ḥoraw - ḥaru ܚܳܪܰܘ - ܚܰܪܘ „to settle; to seat oneself“ kyw ܟܝܘ (<kyb ܟܝܒ < kʾb ܟܐܒ) I: koyaw - kayu ܟܳܝܰܘ - ܟܰܝܘ „to hurt (intr.)“ (third persons only!) qrw ܩܪܘ (<qrb ܩܪܒ) I: qoraw - qaru ܩܳܪܰܘ - ܩܰܪܘ „to approach“
b) Verbs with /l/ ܠas third radical Final /l/ ܠ verbs are also subsumed under weak verbs. This /l/ ܠ is absorbed by the /l/ ܠ of the inflectional suffixes in the preterite and consequently the verb has a different base, for example: šql ܫܩܠ I: šoqal – šqile ܫܳܩܰܠ – ܫܩܝܠܶܗ „to take; to buy“ compare strong verb: grš ܓܪܫ I: goraš – grёšle ܓܳܪܰܫ - ܓܪܷܫܠܶܗ „to pull“ qtl ܩܬܠ II: mqatal – mqatele ܡܩܰܬܰܠ - ܡܩܰܬܶܠܶܗ „to fight“ compare strong verb: zbn II: mzaban – mzabanle ܡܙܰܒܰܢ - ܡܙܰܒܰܢܠܶܗ „to sell“ šql ܫܩܠ III: mašqal – mašqele ܡܰܫܩܰܠ - ܡܰܫܩܶܠܶܗ „to let sb. buy“ compare strong verb: grš ܓܪܫ III: magraš – magrašle ܡܰܓܪܰܫ - ܡܰܓܪܰܫܠܶܗ „to let sb. pull“ Below you find an illustration of the inflection of stem I by comparing šqile ܫܩܝܠܶܗ „he bought“ to grёšle ܓܪܷܫܠܶܗ „he pulled“:
Since the inflectional endings of the 2pl. and 3pl. do not start with l- ܠ , these forms remain unaffected. The present forms and (medio)passive stem formations of these verbs behave like strong verbs. The /l/ ܠ of the root disappears in stems II and III when adding the Lsuffxes and the vowel of the base is /e/ instead of /a/: qtl ܩܬܠ II: mqatal + le = mqatele „he fought“ ܡܩܰܬܰܠ + ܠܶܗ = ܡܩܰܬܶܠܶܗ šql ܫܩܠ III: mašqal + le = mašqele „he let sb. buy“ ܡܰܫܩܰܠ + ܠܶܗ = ܡܰܫܩܶܠܶܗ
The imperative is like that of strong verbs: šql ܫܩܠ I: Sg. šqal! ܫܩܰܠ „buy (sg.)!” Pl. šqalu! ܫܩܰܠܘ „buy (pl.)!“ qtl ܩܬܠ II: Sg. mqatal! ܡܩܰܬܰܠ „fight (sg.)!“ Pl. mqatelu! ܡܩܰܬܶܠܘ „fight (pl.)!“ šql ܫܩܠ III: Sg. mašqal! ܡܰܫܩܰܠ „let sb. buy (sg.)!“ Pl. mašqelu! ܡܰܫܩܶܠܘ „let sb. buy (pl.)!“
c) Expressing modality To express modality Surayt uses invariant and impersonal modal markers and modal verbs combined with a lexical verb. The lexical verb that immediately follows is inflected with or without the preverb /d/ ܕ as the subjunctive, i.e. the unmarked base of the present: 1. “need, must, should” The invariant forms këbce ܟܷܒܥܶܐ and kobac ܟܳܐܒܰܥ are used to express “need”, “must” and “should”. Examples:
Conveying the same sense, lazëm ܠܰܙܷܡ or kolozam ܟܳܠܳܙܰܡ and majbur ܡܰܔܒܘܪ can occur in the same position:
The modals lazëm ܠܰܙܷܡ and majbur ܡܰܔܒܘܪ can be enhanced with the 3sg. copula:
The past copula shifts the event to the past tense:
The modal verb kolozam ܟܳܠܳܙܰܡ corresponds with the 3msg. of the lexical verb lozam - lazëm ܠܳܙܰܡ - ܠܰܙܷܡ “to need, to be necessary”, so that its past tense form is expressed by the imperfect 3msg. lozamwa ܠܳܙܰܡܘܰܐ:
2. “can, could, may, might” Surayt does not distinguish between “can, could, to be able” and “may, might”. Both are expressed by kib- ܟܝܒـ inflected for personal endings. The endings suffixed to kib- ܟܝܒـ correspond with the inflection of the preposition b- (G11.b). The base kib- ܟܝܒـ shifts to këp- ܟܷܦ݁ـ in the 2pl and 3pl. The negative counterpart of kib- ܟܝܒـ is layb- ܠܰܝܒـ and its inflection parallels kib- ܟܝܒـ. The base layb- ܠܰܝܒـ shifts to lap- ܠܰܦ݁ـ in the 2pl. and 3pl. kib- ܟܝܒـ „to be able“ and layb- ܠܰܝܒـ „to be unable“ in the present
The bases këp- ܟܷܦ݁ـ for “can, to be able” and lap - ܠܰܦ݁ـ “cannot, to be unable” are followed by -way- ܘܰܝـ (2 pl. and 3pl. –wa- ܘܰ, cf. G.12c) and the L-suffixes (G.8a).
Examples:
Notes:
Examples:
2. kib- ܟܝܒـ as modal can also be replaced by the verb qodar – qadër ܩܳܕܰܪ – ܩܰܕܷܪ (< qdr ܩܕܪ I) with the same function.
3. “to want” Surayt uses obac - abëc ܐܳܒܰܥ - ܐܰܒܷܥ (G.18a) for the modal “to want”.
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