|a) Final weak verbs
Verbs with y ܝ respectively w ܘ as third radical belong to this class.
1. Verbs with y ܝ as third radical
The final /y/ ܝ only appears in the feminine forms of the present and the preterite inflection of intransitive verbs belonging to this group. As a result, masculine and feminine are distinguished also for the second person only in this verbal class.
šry ܫܪܝ I: šore - šrele ܫܳܪܶܐ – ܫܪܶܠܶܗ „to solve; to loose, to unfasten“
mḥy ܡܚܝ I: moḥe - mḥele ܡܳܚܶܐ – ܡܚܶܠܶܗ „to hit“
gly ܓܠܝ I: gole - glele ܓܳܠܶܐ – ܓܠܶܠܶܗ „to reveal“
qry ܩܪܝ I: qore – qrele ܩܳܪܶܐ – ܩܪܶܠܶܗ „to read; to study; to call for“
Note: The inflection of the preterite is distinguished from the present almost exclusively by the vowel in the first syllable: /o/ ܳin the present and /a/ ܰin the preterite.
bxy ܒܟ݂ܝ I: boxe - baxi ܒܳܟ݂ܶܐ – ܒܰܟ݂ܝ „to weep“
kly ܟܠܝ I: kole - kali ܟܳܠܶܐ – ܟܰܠܝ „to wait; to stand still“
mṭy ܡܛܝ I: moṭe - maṭi ܡܳܛܶܐ – ܡܰܛܝ „to arrive“
cly ܥܠܝ I: cole - cali ܥܳܠܶܐ – ܥܰܠܝ „to move up“
2. Verbs with w ܘ as third radical
Contrary to /y/ ܝ, the /w/ ܘ can still be observed in most of the inflectional forms.
kṯw ܟܬ݂ܘ (< ktb ܟܬܒ) I: koṯaw - kṯule ܟܳܬ݂ܰܘ - ܟܬ݂ܘܠܶܗ „to write“
gnw I: gonaw – gnule ܓܳܢܰܘ - ܓܢܘܠܶܗ „to steal“ (gnw ܓܢܘ< gnb ܓܢܒ)
ḥlw I: ḥolaw - ḥlule ܚܳܠܰܘ - ܚܠܘܠܶܗ „to milk“
crw I: coraw - crule ܥܳܪܰܘ - ܥܪܘܠܶܗ „to sieve“
ḥšw I: ḥošaw - ḥšule ܚܳܫܰܘ - ܚܫܘܠܶܗ „to calculate; to think, to consider“
ytw ܝܬܘ (< ytb (ܝܬܒ I: yotaw - yatu ܝܳܬܰܘ - ܝܰܬܘ „to sit“
Stem III and IIIp derivations of yotaw – yatu ܝܳܬܰܘ - ܝܰܬܘ „to sit“ are conjugated like initial weak verbs:
III: mawtaw – mawtawle ܡܰܘܬܰܘ – ܡܰܘܬܰܘܠܶܗ „to put“
IIIp: mitawtaw – mtawtaw ܡܝܬܰܘܬܰܘ – ܡܬܰܘܬܰܘ „to be put“
rkw ܪܟܘ (< rkb ܪܟܒ) I: rokaw - raku ܪܳܟܰܘ - ܪܰܟܘ „to settle; to seat oneself“
ḥrw ܚܪܘ (<ḥrb ܚܪܒ) I: ḥoraw - ḥaru ܚܳܪܰܘ - ܚܰܪܘ „to settle; to seat oneself“
kyw ܟܝܘ (<kyb ܟܝܒ < kʾb ܟܐܒ) I: koyaw - kayu ܟܳܝܰܘ - ܟܰܝܘ „to hurt (intr.)“ (third persons only!)
qrw ܩܪܘ (<qrb ܩܪܒ) I: qoraw - qaru ܩܳܪܰܘ - ܩܰܪܘ „to approach“
b) Verbs with /l/ ܠas third radical
Final /l/ ܠ verbs are also subsumed under weak verbs. This /l/ ܠ is absorbed by the /l/ ܠ of the inflectional suffixes in the preterite and consequently the verb has a different base, for example:
šql ܫܩܠ I: šoqal – šqile ܫܳܩܰܠ – ܫܩܝܠܶܗ „to take; to buy“
compare strong verb: grš ܓܪܫ I: goraš – grёšle ܓܳܪܰܫ - ܓܪܷܫܠܶܗ „to pull“
qtl ܩܬܠ II: mqatal – mqatele ܡܩܰܬܰܠ - ܡܩܰܬܶܠܶܗ „to fight“
compare strong verb: zbn II: mzaban – mzabanle ܡܙܰܒܰܢ - ܡܙܰܒܰܢܠܶܗ „to sell“
šql ܫܩܠ III: mašqal – mašqele ܡܰܫܩܰܠ - ܡܰܫܩܶܠܶܗ „to let sb. buy“
compare strong verb: grš ܓܪܫ III: magraš – magrašle ܡܰܓܪܰܫ - ܡܰܓܪܰܫܠܶܗ „to let sb. pull“
Below you find an illustration of the inflection of stem I by comparing šqile ܫܩܝܠܶܗ „he bought“ to grёšle ܓܪܷܫܠܶܗ „he pulled“:
Since the inflectional endings of the 2pl. and 3pl. do not start with l- ܠ , these forms remain unaffected. The present forms and (medio)passive stem formations of these verbs behave like strong verbs.
The /l/ ܠ of the root disappears in stems II and III when adding the Lsuffxes and the vowel of the base is /e/ instead of /a/:
qtl ܩܬܠ II: mqatal + le = mqatele „he fought“
ܡܩܰܬܰܠ + ܠܶܗ = ܡܩܰܬܶܠܶܗ
šql ܫܩܠ III: mašqal + le = mašqele „he let sb. buy“
ܡܰܫܩܰܠ + ܠܶܗ = ܡܰܫܩܶܠܶܗ
The imperative is like that of strong verbs:
šql ܫܩܠ I: Sg. šqal! ܫܩܰܠ „buy (sg.)!”
Pl. šqalu! ܫܩܰܠܘ „buy (pl.)!“
qtl ܩܬܠ II: Sg. mqatal! ܡܩܰܬܰܠ „fight (sg.)!“
Pl. mqatelu! ܡܩܰܬܶܠܘ „fight (pl.)!“
šql ܫܩܠ III: Sg. mašqal! ܡܰܫܩܰܠ „let sb. buy (sg.)!“
Pl. mašqelu! ܡܰܫܩܶܠܘ „let sb. buy (pl.)!“
c) Expressing modality
To express modality Surayt uses invariant and impersonal modal markers and modal verbs combined with a lexical verb. The lexical verb that immediately follows is inflected with or without the preverb /d/ ܕ as the subjunctive, i.e. the unmarked base of the present:
1. “need, must, should”
The invariant forms këbce ܟܷܒܥܶܐ and kobac ܟܳܐܒܰܥ are used to express “need”, “must” and “should”.
Conveying the same sense, lazëm ܠܰܙܷܡ or kolozam ܟܳܠܳܙܰܡ and majbur ܡܰܔܒܘܪ can occur in the same position:
The modals lazëm ܠܰܙܷܡ and majbur ܡܰܔܒܘܪ can be enhanced with the 3sg. copula:
The past copula shifts the event to the past tense:
The modal verb kolozam ܟܳܠܳܙܰܡ corresponds with the 3msg. of the lexical verb lozam - lazëm ܠܳܙܰܡ - ܠܰܙܷܡ “to need, to be necessary”, so that its past tense form is expressed by the imperfect 3msg. lozamwa ܠܳܙܰܡܘܰܐ:
2. “can, could, may, might”
Surayt does not distinguish between “can, could, to be able” and “may, might”. Both are expressed by kib- ܟܝܒـ inflected for personal endings. The endings suffixed to kib- ܟܝܒـ correspond with the inflection of the preposition b- (G11.b). The base kib- ܟܝܒـ shifts to këp- ܟܷܦ݁ـ in the 2pl and 3pl. The negative counterpart of kib- ܟܝܒـ is layb- ܠܰܝܒـ and its inflection parallels kib- ܟܝܒـ. The base layb- ܠܰܝܒـ shifts to lap- ܠܰܦ݁ـ in the 2pl. and 3pl.
kib- ܟܝܒـ „to be able“ and layb- ܠܰܝܒـ „to be unable“ in the present
The bases këp- ܟܷܦ݁ـ for “can, to be able” and lap - ܠܰܦ݁ـ “cannot, to be unable” are followed by -way- ܘܰܝـ (2 pl. and 3pl. –wa- ܘܰ, cf. G.12c) and the L-suffixes (G.8a).
2. kib- ܟܝܒـ as modal can also be replaced by the verb qodar – qadër ܩܳܕܰܪ – ܩܰܕܷܪ (< qdr ܩܕܪ I) with the same function.
3. “to want”
Surayt uses obac - abëc ܐܳܒܰܥ - ܐܰܒܷܥ (G.18a) for the modal “to want”.